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Vanin S. Zingerle V. La tassonomia e la nomenclatura delle specie trattate seguono essenzialmente Coray A. Referenze per i nomi italiani e tedeschi delle specie: Bellmann Heuschrecken.
Haupt, Bern. Museo Naturalistico Archeologico di Vicenza. Pancrazio , Martin Stifter Marlengo , Walter Stockner Terlano , Wilhelm Tratter S.
Martino in Badia. Baccetti B. Baur H. Revue Suisse de Zoologie, Bellmann H. Franckh-Kosmos, Stuttgart. Carron G.
Sardet E. Praz C. Articulata, Castellani O. Romana Entomol. Alpin-Biologische Studien, VII. Conci C. Rovereto, Deltedesco M. Ebner R.
Wien, 8: Fruhstorfer H. Galvagni A. Studi Trentini di Scienze Naturali Trento, Sez. Studi Trentini di Scienze Naturali, Acta Biologica, Graber V.
Erster Jahresbericht des k. Harz K. Series Entomologica, 5. Junk, The Hague. Series Entomologica, Forest Observer, 6: Hilpold L. Kopf T. Gredleriana 8: Krauss H.
Nadig A. Heuschrecken Orthoptera. Ergebnisse der wissenschaftlichen Untersuchungen im Schweizerischen Nationalpark, Teil: Laubheuschrecken Tettigoniidae.
Orthoptera, Catantopodidae auf Grund populationsanalytischer Untersuchungen. Schweizer W. Ramme W. Berliner Entom. Archiv f. A, Tami F. Tirello P.
Agiati, , ser. Wolf M. CSCF Nachrichten, Bern, 6: Il gruppo delle farfalle diurne Papilionoidea comprende le famiglie delle Papilionidi Papilionidae , Pieridi Pieridae , Licenidi Lycaenidae , Riodinidi Riodinidae , Ninfalidi Nymphalidae ed Esperidi Hesperiidae.
Folio-Verlag, Bozen-Wien. Il Tiroler Landesmuseum Fredinandeum ha gentilmente messo tali dati a disposizione del Museo di Scienze Naturali dell'Alto Adige.
Systematische und faunistische Checkliste. Tiroler Landesmuseen, Innsbruck. Per i nomi tedeschi e italiani delle specie si fa riferimento a Huemer e Paolucci Butterflies and Burnets of the Alps.
Hermann G. Zeitschrift, 1 : Huemer P. Forest observer, 6: Niederkofler K. Schatz H. Scheuringer E. La tassonomia e la nomenclatura delle specie trattate seguono Glandt D.
Guida dei Rettili e degli Anfibi d'Europa. Bruno S. Studi sulla fauna erpetologica italiana — XVII.
Natura — Soc. Museo Civ. Cabela, A. Vipera Aspis L. Ammodytes L. Programm des K. Staats-Gymnasiums in Innsbruck, Glaser F. Cabela A.
Declara A. Grillitsch H. Manuskript, Autonome Prov. Dibiasi W. Eisvogel Jahresbericht Gredler V. Programm des k. Gymnasiums Bozen, Regensburger Correspondenzblatt, Guex G.
In: Thiesmeier B. Handbuch der Reptilien und Amphibien Europas — Schwanzlurche IIB. Aula-Verlag, Wiebelsheim: Initiativgruppe Prader Sand, Gesamtkonzept zum Schutz und zur nachhaltigen Nutzung der Prader Sand.
Manuskript, Schlanders. Lenk P. Amphibia-Reptilia, Peintner V. Pieh A. Plasinger I. Luggin R. September Pozzi A.
Quaderni del Parco Nazionale dello Stelvio n. Edizione del Ministero dell'Agricoltura e delle Foreste, Bormio: Schmidtler J. Mayer W. Die Eidechse, Film im Auftrag der Umweltgruppe Naturtreff Eisvogel, Bruneck.
Schwienbacher W. Herpetofauna, Ursenbacher S. Schweiger S. Fumagalli L. Molecular Phylogenetics and Evolution, Werner F.
Zanghellini S. Tra questi vanno evidenziati quelli raccolti tra la fine degli anni Ottanta e i primi anni Novanta del Novecento, durante la compilazione della "Lista Rossa delle specie animali minacciate dell'Alto Adige".
Tra il e il Niederfriniger , und furono eseguite indagini autorevoli sulla distribuzione dei pipistrelli in Alto Adige. La tassonomia e la nomenclatura delle specie trattate seguono Lanza B.
XLVII; Mammalia V, Chiroptera. Calderini, Bologna. Per i nomi tedeschi e italiani delle specie si fa riferimento a Dietz C. Franckh-Kosmos Verlag.
Oltre che dai collaboratori del gruppo di lavoro per la protezione dei pipistrelli, le osservazioni sono condotte principalmente da parroci, sacrestani e privati cittadini.
Ringraziamo ogni singola persona per il suo importante contributo alla ricerca sui pipistrelli autoctoni.
Dal Piaz G. Studi Trentini di Scienze Naturali, Trento, 8: Drescher C. Mammalia, 68 4 : Programm k. Niederfriniger O.
Paolucci P. Gortania — Atti Museo Friul. Storia Nat. Il gruppo comprende le seguenti famiglie: toporagni Soricidae , talpe Talpidae , arvicole Arvicolidae , topi Muridae , gliridi Gliridae.
Negli anni seguenti sono state principalmente Eva Ladurner e Nadia Cazzoli a condurre progetti sulla distribuzione e la biologia dei piccoli mammiferi autoctoni in diverse parti della provincia.
La tassonomia e la nomenclatura delle specie trattate seguono Mitchell-Jones A. Academic Press, London. Andreas Agreiter Luson , Frieda Aichner Tires , Christine Alber S.
Studi Trentini di Scienze Naturali, 5: Studi Trentini di Scienze Naturali, 8: Studi Trentini di Scienze Naturali, Garten, Ladurner E.
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In: Stuttgarter Zeitung v. Ulm, Essen etc. Tacitus does hold principes responsible for tolerating and at times encouraging the delatores, who were so integral to the respective regimes of the Principate that principes often stepped in to defend the informers and their rewards.
In his speech against Regulus, Curtius Montanus accused him of paying L. Montanus claimed that Regulus possessed a desire for blood and a thirst for rewards, which led him to attack the nobiles of Rome 4.
Regulus, who was only quaestor at the time, had attacked the senate unmercifully, stating that the entire senate could be overturned with one voice 4.
Just as the opposition, led by Montanus and Helvidius Priscus, was gaining a majority in the senate, their efforts were obstructed when Eprius Marcellus and Vibius Crispus threatened to walk out of the senate house Hist.
Tacitus describes the struggle as between the many good and the few powerful 4. At the following meeting of the senate, Domitian and Mucianus intervened to protect the powerful delatores, an act that would have dire consequences for many under the Flavians 4.
The intervention of Domitian and Mucianus assured the continuation of a favorable environment for delatores, such as Eprius Marcellus and Vibius Crispus, men fearful for their wealth and their power, which they put to evil purposes 4.
For Tacitus the whole affair illustrated the loss of libertas: any renewed sense of senatorial independence was quickly lost 4.
An even more explicit defense of the delatores came during the reign of Tiberius after the suicide of the accused Caecilius Cornutus, which inspired a motion to deprive delatores of their reward when the accused committed suicide Ann.
The proposal was on the verge of passing when with unusual frankness Tiberius stepped in on behalf of the delatores. Better that the senate should overturn the laws than overturn their guardians.
Although Tiberius appeals to the delatores as protectors of the laws, his argument is a one-sided view of justice, namely one favoring the prosecutor.
Certainly Rome had need of prosecutors, and in the absence of a public prosecutor, delatores filled the void. Although Republican Rome similarly lacked public prosecutors, the sources do not portray any class of society under the Republic comparable to the delatores of the Principate.
The princeps of course had less need for defense attorneys; he had the power to pardon anyone in difficult straits.
He did have a need, however, for strong prosecutors, who could attack his enemies without him getting his hands so dirty. Cicero himself felt ambivalent toward its overuse by an individual and felt the need to provide lengthy apologies for his own prosecutions.
Several chapters later 4. The notorious informer Suillius had been attacking the enemies of the regime when his client Samius, an insignis eques Romanus, who had paid Suillius four hundred thousand sesterces for his services as advocate, discovered that Suillius was colluding with his accusers Ann.
The senate reacted negatively and, led by the consul designate C. Silius, demanded the restoration of the lex Cincia de donis atque muneribus, which prohibited the acceptance of money or gifts for pleading cases In his speech, Silius appealed to the precedents of the ancient orators, exempla veterum oratorum, who sought only to gain fame and to have set a good example for posterity as the rewards of their eloquentia Ann.
Eloquentia was not being degraded because of poor teachers or students and other commonplace explanations; instead, it was being befouled by those in search of profit.
Silius asserted that hatreds and accusations, enmity and injustice were favored, so that, just as virulent diseases brought rewards to the physician, the corruption of the forum would bring money to the accuser Asinius, M.
Messala, L. Arruntius, and M. Aeserninus and their uncorrupted lives and eloquence, incorrupta vita et facundia. Here as elsewhere Hist.
Silius gained much support in the senate and a resolution was being drafted to punish offenders of the law with a charge of extortion.
Threatened by the success of Silius, Cossutianus Capito and Suillius appealed to the princeps Ann. Suillius and Cossutianus argued for the need to reimburse advocates Ironically, the delatores, who were the most ruthless prosecutors, appealed to the right of the accused to be defended properly against the potentes.
After citing two rabble-rousers of the Late Republic, Suillius and Cossutianus attempted to cast themselves as moderate, peace-loving citizens, The informers argued that if rewards were prohibited, then the art of oratory too would perish.
Claudius compromised and fixed a maximum fee, ten thousand sesterces, and for those violating it, a charge of extortion The monetary and professional gains won through delatio ensured that the practice would continue, as it did under practically every princeps in one form or another.
The excesses of delatores under Tiberius and Nero are infamous, but Tacitus also indicates that delatio had existed even under Augustus, arising out of his oppressive legislation, which placed many households at the mercy of the informers Ann.
Delatio even thrived in the short reign of Vitellius, whose henchmen Caecina Alienus and Fabius Valens had seized the houses, gardens, and wealth of the empire, leaving many poverty-stricken Hist.
Vespasian, though reluctant at first, finally succumbed to such tactics 2. His lieutenant Mucianus confiscated property liberally to fund the civil war.
Accusers came out everywhere to confiscate money, which might have been a necessity of war, but the confiscations continued mercilessly even during peacetime 2.
From time to time delatores fell victim to retribution by the same tactics they employed, an indication of the lack of fides on the part of both the delatores and their patrons the principes.
The nature of their work, which required them to make many enemies, made life dangerous. Often it was only a matter of time before political power shifted and a delator might find himself the target of another delator.
Delatores were thus more harmful to each other than the senatorial backlashes that manifested themselves at the beginning of the regimes of Vespasian and Nerva.
More often delatores were condemned by the same means with which they had brought about the demise of others.
Tacitus relishes the opportunity to record the details when a formerly powerful delator fell from grace. He adds that Tiberius was accustomed to bring to ruin his ministers of crime once they had served his purposes.
The case of the delator Sextius Paconianus furnishes the promised example 6. Paconianus was a daring evildoer who pried into the secrets of everyone; Sejanus had recruited Paconianus as an agent in his plot against Gaius Caligula.
Once Tiberius expressed his displeasure with Paconianus, the senators erupted with long-standing hatred. Paconianus saved himself, however, by resorting to familiar means, turning informer once again.
As for Paconianus, he would be strangled for verses he had written against the princeps while in prison; Tacitus does not tell us how he got there 6.
Tarquitius would later be condemned for extortion By highlighting the demise of delatores, Tacitus reveals their ruthlessness, extremism, and willingness to destroy others along with themselves.
The first is the career of the delator P. Suillius Rufus; the second is the trial of C. These two cases will show on the one hand how delatio influenced the career of a Roman senator, and on the other how delatio worked in a particular trial.
Suillius Rufus P. Suillius Rufus appears first in book 4 of the Annales, where Tacitus recounts his exile by Tiberius Ann. Suillius had been quaestor under Germanicus and perhaps the attack on him was motivated by his connections to the now dead Caesar.
Tiberius, however, stepped in to deliver a more severe penalty, deportation to an island, which he believed necessary for the sake of the state e re publica.
Unlike Agricola and others, such as M. Lepidus, Thrasea Paetus, and Domitius Corbulo, who served the res publica, Suillius used his talents and connections for his own personal gain and to the detriment of others and the state 4.
Suillius next appears in the Claudian books, back from exile and exercising his potentia to attack the enemies of the regime as Tacitus presaged Ann.
He had distinguished himself under the reign of Claudius, even reaching the consulship in the mid-forties.
Claudius moderated the charge of maiestas, the scourge of the senate under Tiberius Dio Nevertheless, Suillius showed himself adept at attacking the political enemies of the regime with other accusations, such as revolution and adultery.
The legalities were inconsequential. Valerius Asiaticus, who had played a leading role in the assassination of Gaius Caligula.
Asiaticus had recovered politically from his role as tyrannicide; he had even accompanied Claudius to Britain and went on to become consul ordinarius in 46 his first consulship having been a suffectus in Much, however, had changed in the year since his consulship.
Tacitus suggests that Asiaticus was accused because he was very wealthy and Messalina coveted the gardens of Lucullus in his possession She also used Asiaticus to destroy Poppaea Sabina, her rival, on a charge of adultery.
AJ Suillius and Sosibius exploited the weakness of their princeps to achieve their ends. In his advice to Claudius, Sosibius encouraged him to use violence, vis, which characterizes the behavior of the Principate throughout the entire affair.
Tacitus structures this episode as another instance of the princeps waging war against Romans. Vitellius, Claudius, and Messalina, Suillius charged him with corruption of the military, adultery with Poppaea, and effeminacy Ann.
The powerful adulator L. With a defender like Vitellius, Claudius did not need a prosecutor. Although the choice of suicide gave a Roman some control over fate, victims such as Asiaticus were not choosing suicide the way M.
Cato Uticensis did; they were being forced to commit suicide. Imperial ideology, moreover, dictated a greater application of clementia, namely sparing the life of a condemned individual.
Its usage in this passage is deeply ironic. Asiaticus, having been granted the clementia of Claudius, spent his final hours exercising and dining.
He then lamented that he did not perish by the cunning of Tiberius or the violence of Gaius, rather than through womanly deceit and the shamelessness of Vitellius Ann.
He then attended to his funeral pyre and opened his veins. Such was the vaunted clemency of the Caesars. Suillius did not stop with Asiaticus.
In the senate, he accused two Roman equites, each with the cognomen Petra and presumably brothers Ann. Their unspoken crime was providing their house as a place of rendezvous to Mnester and Poppaea; the published crime was a dream by one of the brothers that vaguely presaged ill for the princeps.
The punishment was death. Still not sated by these convictions, Suillius, continuus et saevus, carried on his accusations The ranks of informers increased because many realized the rewards that could be won under Claudius, who concentrated in himself all the functions of the laws and magistrates, thereby creating an opportunity for the plunderer Nonetheless, the system of government, which placed power in one individual, provided the environment for abuses by others, such as delatores like Suillius, who might prey upon the fears and weaknesses of the princeps for their own gain.
By railing against such abuses, Tacitus reveals to us an important facet of his political thought: an intense opposition to autocracy, the same impulse that founded the Republic.
Following the debate on the lex Cincia Ann. Tacitus describes Suillius as being terribilis and venalis, for which he had earned the hatred of many The usage of venalis recalls the earlier passages where Tacitus uses the same word of Suillius 4.
Tacitus also styles him as possessing a ferocia animi His downfall appears to have stemmed from a quarrel with Seneca, whom he attacked for his wealth and influence Suillius had made many enemies, and there was no lack of accusers He was charged with extortion during his proconsulship of Asia.
Pomponius, Julia daughter of Drusus, Valerius Asiaticus, Poppaea Sabina, Lusius Saturninus, and Cornelius Lupus He tried to claim that he was merely following orders, a defense quickly brushed aside by Nero, who exonerated his father Claudius In the end, Suillius was forced to forfeit half his estate and endure exile on the Balearic Islands; his family was spared Suillius had fallen by the same means he had risen.
The Case of C. Silius Although individual delatores may have fallen from favor occasionally, more often than not principes stood by their informers, as seen in the trial of C.
He had held the consulship in 13 and had been a legate of Upper Germany from 14 to 21 1. As legate, Silius aroused suspicions by boasting that his troops had remained loyal to Tiberius while others had mutinied 4.
Silius might have expected to be rewarded for such loyalty, but he became another example of the Principate removing and executing its most successful commanders.
The benefits Silius enjoyed while he was useful were exchanged for hatred when he became expendable 4. The consul L. Visellius Varro was chosen to lead the prosecution while Tiberius presided.
When Silius asked for an adjournment until Varro had stepped down from the consulship, Tiberius forcefully intervened Ann.
He declared that it was customary for magistrates to prosecute private citizens and that the rights of the consuls, upon whose vigilance the security of the state depended, ought not to be infringed lest the state come to some harm ne quod res publica detrimentum caperet.
This statement, perhaps spoken sincerely by Tiberius, is irony-laden as Tacitus writes it. The words themselves recall Sallust and the Catilinarian conspiracy: senatus decrevit, darent operam consules ne quid res publica detrimenti caperet Cat.
Tacitus has placed Varro in the role of Cicero and Silius in the position of Catiline. The scene evokes another event during the conspiracy of Catiline: the trial of L.
Licinius Murena. The primary distinction between the cases of Silius and Murena is that Cicero used his consular auctoritas to defend Murena, while Varro used his to destroy Silius.
Although the pair was guilty of extortion, the case proceeded as a maiestas trial. Faced with the charge of treason, Silius committed suicide before the senate reached its verdict.
Tacitus adds that this was the first time that Tiberius took an interest in the money to be gained by condemnation Ann. The entire passage, however, underlines the danger of delatio and its sanctioning by the princeps.
Silius had been a powerful senator, but he was no match for the triumvirate of Varro, Sejanus, and Tiberius. Amid this darkness, however, Tacitus finds some light in the person of M.
Aemilius Lepidus. Aemilius Lepidus, whom Tacitus consistently portrays as mitigating the severity of the Principate. While other consulars, such as L.
Visellius Varro and Asinius Gallus Ann. Lepidus is the only individual on whom Tacitus genuinely bestows the descriptive sapiens.
To demonstrate his point, Tacitus contrasts Lepidus with Cotta Messalinus, who was infamous for his attack on the memory of Libo Drusus Ann.
Messalinus was equal to Lepidus in ancestry, but his inferior when it came to character 4. Lepidus did come from a distinguished family, which, like many under the early empire, experienced both favor and persecution.
His father, Paullus Aemilius Lepidus, was proscribed in 43 BCE, but survived to become consul in 34 BCE and censor in 22 BCE.
Aemilius Paullus, married Julia, granddaughter of Augustus, before he was charged with conspiracy and executed in CE 8 Suet.
Aemilius Lepidus, a nephew of M. When Augustus died, Lepidus was legate in Hispania Tarraconensis with its three legions 2.
Lepidus is introduced very early in the Annales as one of the senators whom Augustus believed to be a possible rival to Tiberius Ann. Arruntius, and Cn.
In addition to C. Silius, he had defended Cn. Piso in 20, whom most others had deserted Ann. Clutorius had previously written a well-circulated poem mourning the death of Germanicus, for which Tiberius handsomely remunerated him 3.
A number of years later when Drusus Caesar became sick, Clutorius wrote another poem with the intention of winning another reward from Tiberius.
Unfortunately for Clutorius, Drusus recovered from his ailment. The consul designate, Haterius Agrippa, motioned for the ultimum supplicium against Clutorius.
The oration of Lepidus in support of clemency for Clutorius is the first in the Annales in oratio recta by someone outside the imperial family Ann.
In his speech, Lepidus applied Republican standards to the actions of Clutorius, arguing to keep dicta and maleficia separate, unlike the Principate, which elided the distinction between words and actions 1.
Its failure to do so revealed the gulf between propaganda and reality. Tacitus thus presents Lepidus as wisely playing upon Tiberian propaganda.
Tiberius celebrated the virtue of clementia on a shield, which might have been dedicated in this year. In the end, Lepidus proposed the punishment of interdictio, as if Clutorius were charged with maiestas Ann.
If maiestas was the charge, then it should not entail death but exile. In Sallust, both Caesar nefaria facinora, Cat. The phrase periculum rei publicae occurs only here in Tacitus Ann.
Although Lepidus might be worthy of comparison with Caesar and Cato, Clutorius Priscus, as with the case of C. Silius Ann. Unlike Catiline, Clutorius was not a revolutionary and did not threaten the security of the state.
The death penalty, which might have been appropriate for the partisans of Catiline, is unjustified in the case of Clutorius.
Moreover, the senate was fully capable of carrying out its duties in 63 BCE. The senate of Tiberian Rome had become so enervated that it was unable or unwilling to distinguish between a real threat to the security of the state and a foolish poet.
The senate, which should have demonstrated mercy, chose cruelty. The princeps, whether supportive of clemency or not, did not intervene in time.
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